The Complexities of Post-War development: A Critical Analysis

The Complexities of Post-War development: A Critical Analysis
by
Stephen .O. ISAYINKA (AICMC, CSC -UK)

Introduction
It is crucial to note that whilst signing a peace agreement may officially signal the end of a
violent conflict, historical evidence has demonstrably shown that the likelihood of obtaining the
dividends of sustainable development across postwar frontiers is frequently low. When
examining the 20th century’s civil conflicts across Europe and Africa, it is clear that it took years
or even decades for things to become better since long-standing grudges and tensions do not
simply go away overnight. The process of transcending from a state of armed conflict to
development characterized by peaceful coexistence and sustainable prosperity is not merely a
theoretical jamboree but a profoundly political one requiring deft management of delicate
principles and strategic approaches to peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction (Pantuliano,
2017).
Development, according to Amartya Sen (1999), is the process of enhancing human potential and
freedom. Sen proposed that development, which may encompass social, economic, political,
mental, or cognitive sectors, is ultimately aimed at enabling people to attain the peak of their
abilities through the provision of privileges that invariably stimulate growth and beneficial
changes at local, national, or international levels. However, the idea that war are inherently
violent in the pursuit of goals has gained widespread acceptance notably in reference to Carl von
Clausewitz’s (1989) contention that war is not an end in itself but rather a political means to an
end. It is therefore important to stress that the absence of armed conflict evidenced through
positive peace is a requirement for development even as it fosters the fundamental advancement
of a society, notably across vital areas of human capital investment, infrastructure development,
the rule of law, and other aspects (Beyerchen, 1992).
Without positive peace, infrastructure for providing education and healthcare collapses, systems
for providing infrastructure will break down, even as legitimate trade will suffer defeat. Peace
and progress logically go side in hand. In other words, a community becomes more rich and
stable the more peaceful it is (Pantuliano, 2017).
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Why Nations do not Develop after War: A Relative Assessment
Attempting to ensure lasting peace and progress after a war is a difficult and multifaceted
endeavor (Del Castillo, & De Soto, 2017; Lambourne 2004). Therefore, to succinctly understand why
developmental efforts do not often yield dividends, a bearing from the idea of armed conflict itself and the
solutions targeted at resolving them, to the lapses that occur in the resolution processes and finally the
issues that undermine development even after violent conflict had ended will be carefully examined.
These issues will be taken from empirical evidences carried out by profound researchers in specific
war-thorn nations in order to validate and make reliable the claims of this study.
This conflict curve illustrates the dynamics  of armed conflict from mere tension to war over time. A transition into reconciliation and progress amidst violence requires a strategic interplay of peace making, enforcement and peacekeeping.

It is notable that since 1945, over two-thirds of conflicts have been fought within national borders,
with the frequency of civil wars rising considerably after the end of the Cold War (Fearon and
Laitin, 2003; Leib, 2016). Since then, the UN Security Council has made increased use of its
Chapters VI and VII-granted authority to deploy peacekeeping teams to conflict zones (UVIN,
2002). During and after the Cold War, the majority of peacekeeping missions were limited to the
Middle East, African nations, and other regional conflicts that happened after their independence.
During these peacekeeping deployments, it was the role of these UN forces to monitor the
ceasefire, maintain order in the buffer zones, investigate reports of arms trafficking, and prevent
a resumption of hostilities (Sarjoon, & Yusoff, 2019). Regrettably, according to Mathias (2017),
the fundamental issue with these missions has been the absence of previous “consent” as a
customary method for peacekeeping, as was the case in Somalia and Bosnia. In the case of
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Somalia, the UN peacekeeping force was unable to secure authorisation for deploying troops into
the country because the country’s central government had collapsed. This resulted in numerous
negative repercussions, as many UN peacekeepers were killed and sustainable development was
hindered (Nuh, & Kakuba, 2022).
Mutwol (2009) posits that the question of consent is crucial to attaining development because,
without winning the trust of all sides in a conflict, wars and instability always appear to reemerge,
primarily from aggrieved or oppressed parties when it comes to peace enforcement. Consent is
further weakened when armed organisations that are not controlled by any of the interested
parties or other spoilers are present. This scenario is also evident in Yemen, where, in addition to
the Houthi insurgents, Shiite rebels, and Sunni government, armed groups such as the Islamic
State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) continue to undermine any peace efforts. This makes it
impossible to achieve growth through negotiations, even after a ceasefire or the end of hostilities
(Sharp & Brudnick, 2015).
Nonetheless, if the United Nations is to embrace a durable peace, Peace enforcement and
Peacekeeping must be clearly defined. This was obvious in Libya, where instability and turmoil
persisted following Ghadaffi’s murder despite the fact that peace enforcement typically results in
the swift cessation of warfare. These fundamental issues are frequently disregarded, yet they
must be addressed for enduring peace and development to occur (Lambourne, 2004; Fraihat,
2016). According to the findings of Collier (2003), cited in MacGinty & Williams (2016), a
country that has recently emerged from a conflict has a 44 percent likelihood of returning to
conflict within the next five years. In his book, “Breaking the Conflict,” Collier describes the
events that led to the outbreak of World War I. It was argued in “Trap: Civil War and
Development Policy” that when a country’s average income is low, its rural areas are rich in
natural resources, it is surrounded by an enemy nation, and its diaspora is large and politically
active, civil war is likely to occur. Then, it is more likely that these conditions will persist
beyond the conclusion of the conflict, thereby sparking more conflicts.
Cambodia is cited as an example of the United Nations’ success in maintaining peace, but its
greatest achievement was facilitating free elections throughout the country. Since 1993, the
United Nations has maintained five, mostly concurrent, peacekeeping missions in Haiti;
nevertheless, according to Jacobson (2012), it is impossible to tell whether these deployments
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were successful in building lasting peace and development throughout the country. According to
Von Feigenblatt (2022), postconflict Haiti is the least developed developed nation in the
Americas and one of the least developed nations in the globe. Throughout its modern history,
Haiti has received billions of dollars in aid from the international world, yet the average Haitian’s
standard of life has not improved greatly as a result. Lubaale (2022) stated that postwar Budaka,
Uganda demonstrates that underdevelopment in war-torn regions is linked to resource-based
violence conflicts over deprivation and tribalism, among other factors.
According to Rothstein (1999), cited in Lambourne (2004), when a conflict ends, a society is
presented with a fresh set of opportunities that can be seized or rejected. The United States,
individual nations, and international non-governmental organisations have all made it a priority
to help post-war communities recover and thrive again (INGOs). To Hing (2019), the
foundation of long-term peace and development is a successful transition from peacekeeping to
peacebuilding. According to Karbo (2008), peacebuilding is concerned with the long-term repair
and development of society in order to prevent violent conflict or its re-emergence.
The inclusive school of thought, championed by Boutros-Ghali and others, contends that peace
building is predicated on a philosophy of development and cannot succeed unless integrated
(Nwanegbo & Odigbo, 2013). According to this school of thought, as underlined by Jelena (2003),
peacebuilding and development are complementary processes that can occur in simultaneously
and have a common goal (David 1999, p. 27; Jelena, 2003).In the operationalizing peace building
in line with development, the inclusivist school of thought advocates three primary measures of
development which include: Disaster relief, Macro-economic reforms and Post-conflict
integration. As a follow-up, the United Nations’ 1995 Supplement to An Agenda for Peace
(United Nations, 1995, paragraph 47) listed social and economic development as a peace-building
development measure alongside demilitarisation, control of small arms, institutional reform,
improved police and judicial systems, and monitoring of human rights and electoral reform
(Jelena, 2003).
In order to understand why certain post-conflict nations do not progress, it is essential to
examine the following metrics, as articulated by the inclusivist school of thought;
1. Disaster relief
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This is a form of emergency aid relief that comes before the more long-term developmental aid
that will aid in economic revival and improve and fortify shaky social and political structures.
The goal of disaster relief is simple: to save lives by bringing back normalcy to the affected area
through the provision of life’s needs, including food, medical treatment, and shelter. Post-conflict
rehabilitation initiatives that involve humanitarian relief and economic growth can assist in
restoring peace to war-ravaged regions and inspire reconciliation efforts (Young & Goldman,
2015). Therefore, McEntire, Fuller, Johnston, and Weber (2002) believe that progress has not
been made in post-war regions due to the persistence of the following problems:
a. Blockage of some areas from relief distribution and services, unreliable channels of relief
distribution and Human capital reduction
In the case of post-conflict Sudan, health, livelihoods, and labour retention have been unable
to benefit from rehabilitation operations (access to food, shelter, and clean water) and help for
rural economic recovery and stabilisation, particularly in areas where residents were displaced.
In other locations, especially Bahr-el-Ghazal, where access was denied by the government due to
the activities of its forces or by putting restrictions and limitations on relief aircraft, recovery and
restoration of roads were suspended due to northern leaders’ egocentric political and social
interests and supremacy over what is now known as South Sudan, (Macrae, Bradbury, Jaspars,
Johnson, & Duffield, 1997). Humanitarian aid is often politicised by the local government or
rebel groups, leaving one segment of the community disadvantaged. Inability to return displaced
persons and offer aid for their recuperation and resettlement lowers human capital, causing
agricultural and industrial lands that would have been utilised to lay fallow (Cracknell, 2000).
b. Lack of planning, analysis and proper Implementation by Donors
Unfortunately, environmental considerations are often given short shrift in humanitarian relief,
leading to poorly conceived aid approaches that might exacerbate already dire environmental
problems. An investigation in Afghanistan during her transition to peace showed that in certain
areas, drinking wells were dug adjacent to septic tanks as a result of foreign attempts to enhance
water supplies. This resulted in persons drinking unclean water, and children under the ages of
five dying prematurely. Such scenario often leads to crisis and hampers further development
(Dresse, Fischhendler, Nielsen, & Zikos, 2019).
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c. Over dependence on relief materials for lifetime Survival
The goal of the study by Chaaban, Salti, Ghattas, Moussa, Irani, Jamaluddine, and Al-Mokdad
(2020) was to assess the effects of multi-purpose cash (MPC) assistance provided by the World
Food Programme (WFP) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on
Syrian refugees in Lebanon before, during, and after the program’s termination. The results show
that MPC had a long-lasting effect on most aspects of respondents’ well-being, including their
total food expenditures every month, their level of food insecurity, their access to clean water,
their likelihood of enrolling in school, their likelihood of receiving primary health care, and their
level of mental health.
However, the long-term effects of MPC were a decline in male employment and a rise in male
job-seeking. If this holds true, it will suggest that a higher level of growth and production may
yet be achievable in Lebanon. The overdependence on MPC by this male population may
eventually lead to their engagement in vices due to their reluctance to work, this will become a
minus to the Lebanese government. Sometimes result in chaos as in the case of Libya (Pradella
& Taghdisi Rad, 2017; Baldwin-Edwards, & Lutterbeck, 2019.).
d. Lingering Security issues from recipient countries, lack of transparency by contractors,
Poor management and Corruption
Using data from thirty different post-conflict rehabilitation projects in Iraq, Waheeb and
Andersen (2022) analyze what went wrong and why things ran over budget and behind schedule.
Many countries and situations have investigated delay causes, but not many share the conditions
that have been typical of Iraq during the past ten to fifteen years. Thirty building projects of
varying sizes and scopes were chosen to serve as case studies. The survey results were used to
calculate delay factors and delay ratios for reconstruction projects after natural disasters. Usage
of substandard materials, Contractor errors, poor designs/plans and modification procedures,
security difficulties caused by surviving spoilers, biding of contract at low rate to obtain contract
just to later increase price for project materials, weather conditions, fund mis-mangement by
contractors and corruption were recognized as the most significant delay drivers.
e. Client and contractor engagement failures and environmental conditions in recipients
nations.
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The goal of the research conducted by Pourrostam and Ismail (2012) was to determine what
factors lead to of delays in Iranian building projects and development. Over the past decade,
researchers have examined the literature on the origins and consequences of building project
delays. Consultants’ and contractors’ perspectives on what caused the delay and how it impacted
their work were gathered through a survey questionnaire. Some causes of project delay identified
by the researcher are not limited to the following (not in particular order of importance) (1) client
delay in progress payment; (2) client change orders during construction; (3) client delay in
making decisions; (4) client delay in reviewing and approving design documents; (5) contractor
ineffective project planning and scheduling and (6) construction site conditions weather.
1. Macro -economic reforms
High rates of economic growth cannot be guaranteed by macroeconomic stability alone. Key
structural measures like regulatory reform, privatization, and reform of the civil service etc. are
often necessary for economies to maintain high rates of growth over the long term (Ghura, Leite,
& Tsangarides, 2002). Government officials, with the help of international peacebuilders,
introduced a slew of new policies after the war ended in Sierra Leone. In order to “attract private
investments and ensure the country’s resource richness promotes economic and social
development,” for example, the government established the Core Minerals Policy, which
outlined ten strategic goals (GOSL 2004; Beevers, 2019). In the 2009, the government also
approved the Diamond Trading Act to better regulate the industry and keep tabs on its exports
and imports (GOSL 2009b). These efforts to resuscitate the industrial mining sector have led to
substantial concessions and additional state revenue and boosted the country’s GDP. However
according to Beevers (2019) sustainable development may not be attained due to;
a. Excessive state power/exclusion:
The local whose lands the minerals are mine do not participate in decisionmaking, hence
activities that are harmful in the processes go unattended to. According to the locals, surface
rents paid to landowners and crop loss compensation have been extremely low in relation to the
land’s potential yield.
b. Problem of Inflation and Corruption
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The local heads and chiefs accumulate funds for their own private gains and undermining the
living conditions of the locals. Using data collected between 1987 and 2017, Uroos, Shabbir,
Zahid, Yahya,, & Abbasi, (2022) empirically examined economic determinants of corruption in
Pakistan. This work employed the time series analysis, namely the enhanced dickey fuller test
(ADF), the Tobit Model of Censored Regression, and Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) to
achieved its objective. It is discovered that inflation has a favorable effect on corruption in
Pakistan, while the literacy rate, GDP growth, and economic integration all have negative effects
on corruption. Pakistan’s economy is not significantly influenced by factors such as investment,
an extensive index, public spending, or income distribution.
c. Mono-economy
The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both advocated for the implementation of
Structural Adjustment Programme as a solution to the issues that were slowing the economic
growth and development of many countries, especially those in development. After a demand
management crisis was identified in Nigeria, the country quickly adopted SAP as a solution.
While SAP has been widely speculated to have a positive impact on the Nigerian economy, few
studies have been undertaken to back up these claims with hard data (Sulaiman, Migiro, & Aluko,
2014).
Ogbonna (2012) used the quarterly data for Nigeria between 1960 and 2008, co integration
analysis, and the error correction mechanism (ECM) method to evaluate the effects of the
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) on the Nigerian economy. The findings from the
study demonstrate that the problem in Nigeria is not one of demand management, as was
previously assumed by SAP prescribers, but rather one of supply. The country lack behind in the
production of goods that can compete effectively in the international market, over dependence on
oil and lack of diversification have continued to bedevil any realization of a steady economic
growth. This largely have been result of fluctuation in oil production and supply due to activities
of oil theft in the region.
According to Alloh, & Regmi, (2017) when annual inflation hit 17.1% in July 2016, the highest
level in a decade. as a result of the sharp decline in the cost of crude oil, which saw prices drop
from $115 per barrel in 2014 to their current level of $35 per barrel. In Nigeria, 75% of the GDP
comes from crude oil.
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e. Unwillingness to diversify and the Monopoly of conditions for aids reception by donors
Between 1986 and 2016, Mbingui and Etoka-Beka (2021) examine the impact of trade openness
economic policy on economic growth in the Republic of the Congo. Using the Vector Error
Correction Model (VECM) the researcher indicated that trade openness has a deleterious effect
on economic growth in Congo both in the short and long run. I.e the Open-trade approach and
liberalization suggested by the west for development has not benefited the Congo. This is due to
her over- reliance on a single export commodity (oil), the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC) continues to be at the mercy of foreign aid, with rates being completely independent of its
policymaking. The Congo are unable to sustain external shocks as its trade prospects continued
to deteriorate.
Growth rates in the Congo’s economy were 7.57 percent in 2000, 7.75 percent in 2005, 8.75
percent in 2010 and 6.77 percent in 2014. (WDI, 2018). Changes in oil prices and interruption in
oil production, in relation to profits from oil, and the various socio-political crises experienced
by the Congo can be used to explain the cyclical ups and downs in economic growth rate.
f. Problem of Globalization
Consequently, Khan, Ali, & Khan, (2021) assess the global slack hypothesis and the effect of
economic openness on inflation dynamics and the short-run Phillips curve in Pakistan. They
researchers found that global factors, including economic openness, are associated with inflation
in postwar Pakistan, with the world output shock and world inflation transmitting straight to
price inflation. As a result, globalization has significant effects on the course of price inflation in
Pakistan, which according to Uroos, Shabbir, Zahid, Yahya, and Abbasi, (2022) create room for
corruption from politicians and public servants to thrive.
2. Post-Conflict integration
According to Knight, (2009) participation from all parties in a malleable, adaptable approach can
greatly be improved by PCI. For genuine integration to take place, all stakeholders, concerns and
affected persons must be adequately be represented in decision-making process. This is done
primarily to improve the livelihood of persons and build institutions for lasting peace and
development.
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a. Low accountability and Corruption
Findings from the study conducted by Maconachie, (2013) shows that lack of proper
implementation and evaluation of development programme are due to poor accountability and
corruption from local heads and community leaders which invariably leads to fund wastages. For
instance, the Sierra Leone’s Ministry of Mineral Resources approved the Diamond Area
Community Development Fund (DACDF) in December 2001 as part of a broader diamond sector
reform effort after the civil conflict. This initiative was designed to strengthen citizen
participation in decision-making about natural resource management as part of a larger reform
program for the diamond business. Unfortunately, donors have been unable to see visible social
and infrastructure development due to lack of answerability (Maconachie, 2009).
b. Internal crisis and unsettled disputes/ Mismanagement of Funds
The Niger Delta Development Commission was set up in response to the needs of the Niger
Delta people, but it has failed to fulfil its purpose of improving the quality of life in the
south-south region of Nigeria (Ebeku, 2008; Akinyoade, 2017). The Niger Delta is an
oil-producing region of Nigeria that has been plagued by violence and instability since the 1990s,
following a devastating civil war. Despite the war’s conclusion and the restoration of peace,
Nigeria has made insufficient progress in developing the area. The hallmark of this battle has
been the destruction of pipe lines and unlawful bunkering by enraged militants and indigenes of
the area (Yakubu., & Odiri, 2020). People there keep complaining that the government is
exploiting them by taking their oil to develop other parts of the country while their own region
languishes (Ikelegbe, 2005).
Popoola (2020) posits that corruption and mismanagement of funds have persisted in the region
despite efforts to promote peace by the government and international organisations and
corporations. It has been claimed that many former executives and military generals embezzled
from various peace building programmes and used their “boys” as contacts to banks to deposit
the stolen money, which was intended for development. As a result, peacebuilding activities had
to be curtailed because they could not be sustained without a significant increase in funding. By
opening an investigation into this fraud and calling for the former Special Adviser to the
President on Niger Delta Affairs to testify about allegations of the diversion of public funds
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totaling millions of Naira, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) confirmed
the severity of the problem (Popoola, 2020).
c. Halt in Public policy executions due to frequent political and security crisis
Since the ethnic power-sharing arrangement was put in place in post-conflict Burundi, the nature
of the power struggle between the Hutu and Tutsi has changed. It’s encouraging to see that hatred
between the nation’s ruling class no longer stems from racial differences. On the other hand,
Burundi also endured economic stagnation, extensive corruption, and a re-arming of the National
Forces of Liberation around the same time. Hutu-led rebels from the civil war’s height, the
(National Council for the Defense of Democracy), orchestrated all of these developments. Since
the quest for power or democratic processes has not been institutionalised, revolutionary political
and security crises have occurred in modern history, resulting in instability of public policy
execution and commitments. The new institutional system is helping to erase this history,
especially among the elites, which sparked the war (Takeuchi, 2013).
d. Weak and non-functional education and health Institutions
Somalia’s states and federal government exert considerable influence over the country’s meagre
public education budget, which has had a lasting impact on the country’s educational system.
Williams & Cummings (2017) assert that the formal education system in this country is among
the weakest in the world. With a primary gross enrolment ratio of 22% in 2012 and vast regional
disparities, it is apparent that the country has not made considerable progress since its near
collapse in 1991. Many African countries, including Somalia, are experiencing budgetary
restrictions. The government of Somalia has increased its funding for public schools in recent
years. Some of the budget is set aside for fundamental education, but the rest is used to bolster
school leadership and administration (Ali, Hassan, Yusuf, Nur, Adan, Aweys & Eno, 2022).
However, since 1991, numerous international donors and agencies—including UNICEF, the
United States, the United Nations, the United Kingdom, etc.—have continued to support
Somalia’s educational system. In 2019, the United Kingdom provided financing for an education
initiative aimed at empowering Somali women. A lack of accountability, transparency, and
adequate administration of these money, despite numerous aid efforts, are at the root of most
problems in Somalia’s education ministries. Poor implementation often results from a lack of
oversight of donor finances, which can have a negative impact on development (Salad, 2022).
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Similar to how only a fraction of Nigeria’s healthcare is administered centrally, the country’s
healthcare system is highly decentralised. The poor and outmoded medical equipment in the
hospitals has contributed to the exodus of Nigeria’s doctors and other medical professionals to
other countries in search of better job prospects (Innocent, Uche, & Uche, 2014).
The poor quality of healthcare available in the country is being blamed for the increasing death
rate, according to research published in 2014 by Innocent, Uche, and Uche. As a result of the
high salaries in other countries, many Nigerian medical professionals are leaving for higher pay
elsewhere. In 2005, there were more than 2,392 Nigerian doctors practising in the United States,
and another 1,529 practising in the United Kingdom. In 2010, researchers discovered that the
United States now has over 5,000 practising physicians and nurses. According to Adeloye, David,
Olaogun, Auta, Adesokan, Gadanya, and Iseolorunkanmi (2017), the failure of the sector in
Nigeria is due in part to the “no work, no pay” mentality of employees and the late payment of
salaries.
Review of Findings
By investigating the criteria or measurements of development within the concept of peace
building, the study elucidates the causes of the under-development of post-war nations. The
research concluded that disaster assistance, macro-economic reforms, and post-conflict
integration are necessary for the growth of nations in transition from war to peace, as advocated
by the inclusivist school of thought within the context of peace building. The analysis revealed
that, with the exception of the emergency help given to Syrians in Lebanon and the mineral
policy reforms in Congo that increased its GDP, very little progress has been made. Poor
implementation of relief initiatives from donor countries was seen, as was the case in
Afghanistan, according to the study. Both of these problems are exacerbated when disaster aid is
politicised by the countries that receive it. Disaster relief, aid, and government projects can also
be hindered by issues such as poor project execution, extortion of donor countries by domestic
contractors, lack of relief materials, late release of constructions fees for rebuilding, site
condition, etc. The research shows that post-war countries’ underdevelopment stems from both
internal and external factors. These post-war countries face external obstacles that are
exacerbated by internal problems. For instance, the IMF’s Structural Adjustment Programme
advocated a plan that would allow domestically produced goods to be offered at a discount in
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order to entice foreign revenue and investment; nevertheless, these countries typically rely
entirely on this one form of economic produce. Countries that have a diversified economy may
be better able to weather global market volatility and supply shocks. The likelihood of stable
economic growth is diminished further because most of these countries rely on aid that is
provided under unfavourable conditionalities, borrow heavily, and pay high interest rates.
Corruption and financial mismanagement are systemic problems that permeate all levels of these
countries, according to the research. The typical person in a position of responsibility is
motivated by personal gain rather than a desire to better their country. This is especially true in
third-world countries, where people tend to have a narrow worldview and view public service as
a means to secure their own financial future. Public policies in these countries are weak because
there is no review or monitoring to see how well they are working.
As evidenced by the situation in Burundi, political and security crises are a serious problem, and
there have been waves of military coups recently, particularly in West Africa. Armies in postwar
Burkina Faso provide justification for their activities by pointing to government fraud, corruption,
and inability to address growing security concerns. Lack of peace and stability for public policy
executions is a surefire recipe for perpetuating underdevelopment. Togo’s budget was shrinking
because international investors were reluctant to put money into the country due to the instability
in the country’s government leading to negative impact in the political and social status quo
(Frechette, 2021).
Conclusion
Observably, the reasons for underdevelopment in post-war nations are multiple,
multidimensional, complicated, and linked, even as development constitutes a new stage in a
changing scenario evidenced through rebuilding and reconstructions in post-war nations. These
stages of healing can be sped up with the help of the peace process, which entails making,
keeping, and building peace. However, domestic and international issues frequently exist and
usually work to thwart efforts at sustainable development. The study finds that while there are
many causes of underdevelopment in post-war countries, poor governance, corruption, spoiler
actions, and a lack of essential planning on the part of foreign donors are among the most
pervasive and long-lasting ones. This study highlights a number of problems that, if examined
closely, could lead to practical solutions for boosting stagnant postwar economies. In particular,
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these inequalities can be corrected if the remedies proposed under the suggestions are really
implemented as policies rather than remaining as theoretical concepts.
Recommendations
The following (5) measures can be taken to address the aforementioned issues comprehensively:
1. Economic institutions such as the International Monetary Fund must ensure that postwar
countries pay the lowest possible interest rate on loans used to cover deficits. If the foundation of
liberalisation is the democratic notion of “fairness,” then the IMF operations upon which these
principles based must guarantee fair borrowing and interest rate procedures.
2. In order to receive financing from these organisations, “an effect of aid or loan utilisation
assessment” is required. When a country next applies for a loan, approval for the request should
be contingent on a breakdown of the country’s performance and development stimulated by the
prior loans; if they are not comparable, the loan request should be promptly denied. The term
“mineral export reliance” has become pejorative, so it is important to encourage these nations to
think outside the box and diversify their exports. The term “mineral export reliance” has become
pejorative, thus it’s important to encourage these nations to think outside the box and diversify
their economies.
3. Even though public servants have been resistant to change in recent years due to weak
institutions for the punishment of crimes, infractions, etc., especially in post-war Libya and the
Niger Delta of Nigeria, there is a need for a renaissance of anti-corruption agencies in order to
combat the threat of corruption and illegal behaviour. The situation has become a moral and
mental challenge. Possibly on a regular basis, the United Nations (UN) would dispatch a group
of psychologists and moral advisers to post-conflict countries to initiate awareness programmes
and teach government officials and the public about the dangers of graft to the future of the
country. Young people can benefit from learning the importance of being grateful, showing
patriotism, and making an effort to leave a positive legacy through mentoring relationships.
4. The governments of post-conflict nations should be urged to give all segments of the
population a fair chance to shape policy and move forward from the bottom up. This means
giving everyone from elected officials to community elders and young people a voice in shaping
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the future of their communities. This is necessary if we are to put an end to the myriad political
and social crises that have befallen these countries.
5. Donor countries should ensure that “on-ground analyses” are carried out before relief aid or
any form of financing is given on a project. The equal distribution of relief and aid across all
affected areas to help in post conflict recovery is necessary.
6. In addition to coordinating humanitarian aid and building refugee camps, the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees’ remit should include a broader set of responsibilities. It is
imperative that this group be given the authority to facilitate the safe return of refugees to their
countries of origin, while collaborating with the United Nations Development Programme to
their restore houses and communities, and to subsidize farming and agricultural services. This
will help the post-conflict country recover its labour force and boost productivity, which is
crucial to meeting the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, notably Target 1: End poverty, 2:
End hunger; Goal 8: Promote decent work and economic growth; Target 16: Establishing
Peaceful and Just Societies with Effective Institutions.
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